Traditional Maize Cultivation is Good for the Land and the People
Since time immemorial, the native peoples of central and northern Mexico have been cultivating and consuming maize, and many precolumbian varieties are still grown by indigenous peoples. The Rarámuri people in particular have had to adjust their methods of farming to allow corn to grow on the rocky (and often infertile) mountansides they inhabit (Rudow). Maize has become so integral to Raramuri culture and ways of knowing that it figures prominently in many of their most important rituals and ceremonies. Despite the difficulties, they are still successfully farming the mountains and valleys of the Sierra Madre Occidental, deepening their connection to the land on which their sacred corn grows. As Robin Wall Kimmerer notes in Braiding Sweetgrass, it is commonly the habit of indigenous farmers to adapt the plants and methods of cultivation to the land rather than destroy the land so that ill-adapted plants, valued only for their high yield, will grow there. Some studies on the soil composition of Rarámuri fields have even confirmed that the traditional agricultural methods used by the Rarámuri increase the fertility and productivity of the soil, while the use of chemical fertilizers "creates acidic soil, and [lowers the] amounts of nitrate, phosphorus, and soil organic matter" (Rudow). This is just one example of how the Rarámuri people are medicine for the land which cares for them. The corn has taught the people which conditions it grows best in, and those conditions just happen to be as beneficial for the soil as they are for the corn. Of course, this circle of reciprocity has other beneficiaries besides the corn, soil microbes, and people. When a Rarámuri corn field is abandoned, other native species of plants will find the soil fertile and ready to sustain them. These plants in turn will sustain and provide habitat for other creatures, thereby increasing the species-richness of the land.
A History of Land Injustice
Anyone who has read even a small amount of the history of the Raramuri will agree that their resilience "has been tested again and again" (Sheridan). The Spanish first made contact with them in 1607 and, starting in the early 17th century, Jesuit missionaries began to infiltrate the Raramuri territory from the south, building twenty nine missions where attempts were made to integrate the local people into Spanish society. One of the doctrines the missionaries taught was that of private land ownership (Sutton 273). This, in combination with several smallpox epidemics, weakened the ability of the Raramuri to resist for a time. Even so, by the 1650s, they were able to stage several revolts. Although these revolts were ultimately subdued, they delayed invasion by more missionaries for another twenty years (Sutton 237).
During this colonial era, much of the best farmland in the eastern foothills of the SierraA Madres was siezed by Spanish settlers, and many former farmers were put to work in the mines and on the haciendas of these settlers (Sheridan). The 1850s brought new Mexican laws that banned the communal ownership of land, allowing even more land to be taken from the Raramuri and forcing them further into the mountains. Revolts were mounted in Nonoava in 1876, in Guadalupe y Calvo in 1895 and in Chinatu in 1898 (Sheridan). Thought these were largely unsuccessful, it is a mark of how desperate the situation was and how great the injustices being perpetrated were, that these peaceful farming people were driven to violence again.
From 1876 through 1910, Porfirio Diaz allowed foreign mining and lumber companies access to the Sierra Madres, scarring the land and environment with mines and acres of clear-cut mountainside (Sheridan). This was only stopped by the initiation of the Mexican Revolution. It did not, however, prevent the construction of a railroad stretching from Chihuahua to Creel, a primarily Spanish settlement which lies within the land traditionally traditionally occupied by the Rarámuri (Sheridan). Completed in 1961, the railroad made it far easier to exploit the land since lumber and other resources could now be transported to and fro with ease (Sutton 237). The commercial value of the land went up, as did the incentive to take more Rarámuri farmland.
The 20th century also brought positive change though, and the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara (CST) was established during this time (Muñoz 70). The organization of the Rarámuri as an ethnic group began in the early 1930s, despite the fact that their communities (called rancherías) were geographically divided into lowland and mountain groups, and were further separated by the very irregular, tough-to-traverse terrain of the Sierra Madres (Muñoz 69). Several of the more powerful governors, or siriame, despite the challenges, made attempts to widen their influence and gain authority over wider areas than their local communities. These three siriame, José Járis Rosalío, José Aguirre, and Esteban Cruz, decided to join forces with a younger group of emerging Rarámuri leaders. Most of this younger generation had graduated from the Casa del Estudiante Indígena, a school in México established in the 1920s which was devoted to educating young indigenous people of diverse backgrounds while cultivating and encouraging their traditional values (Muñoz 69). After 1935 the first Rarámuri graduates had returned home as rural teachers and leaders. Of these, Ignacio León Ruíz, Patricio Járis Rosalío (the son of José Járis Rosalío)
and Santiago Recalachi García became the primary young leaders. Using a unique combination of old and new leadership styles, they set about organizing a governing body for the entire Rarámuri population of the Sierra Madres. The first Tarahumara Regional Congress was held in Guachochi in 1939 (Muñoz 69). Though it was first called the Permanent Commission of the First Congress of the Tarahumara People, the organizing committee eventually became known as the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara (or the Tarahumara Supreme Council) (Muñoz 69). In her book on participatory indigenismo, María Muñoz notes that, "for the younger generation, access to the Supreme Council became an opportunity to tap into local power and also to represent the future of the Tarahumara in legitimate ways, internally and externally. It is also likely that the siriame recognized the potential for redifining their relationship with the government through this young group of educated leaders (70)."
One of the ways the young leaders tapped into local power was to utilize it to protect Rarámuri land from further mestizo encroachment. León Ruíz in particular made huge efforts to not only acquire government funds for locally-run schools and healthcare, but to make sure that his people were ensured access to farmland and heavily forested areas in their region of the Sierra Madre Occidental (Muñoz 70). A testament to Rarámuri resilience in itself, the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara weathered many changes of leadership as well as a constant struggle to maintain its relationship with the federal governent while refusing to fall too far under its influence. The federal government during the twentieth century was fairly paternalistic and was usually more interested in assimilating the Rarámuri than actually helping them (Sheridan 160). Consequently, the conservation of the culture was an impressive feat. Maintaining the type of cultural sovereignty described by Larry Gross is not an easy thing to do, and the Rarámuri did far better in this respect than many other groups of indigenous people invaded by the Spanish. But the battle for sovereignty continues to this day.
During this colonial era, much of the best farmland in the eastern foothills of the SierraA Madres was siezed by Spanish settlers, and many former farmers were put to work in the mines and on the haciendas of these settlers (Sheridan). The 1850s brought new Mexican laws that banned the communal ownership of land, allowing even more land to be taken from the Raramuri and forcing them further into the mountains. Revolts were mounted in Nonoava in 1876, in Guadalupe y Calvo in 1895 and in Chinatu in 1898 (Sheridan). Thought these were largely unsuccessful, it is a mark of how desperate the situation was and how great the injustices being perpetrated were, that these peaceful farming people were driven to violence again.
From 1876 through 1910, Porfirio Diaz allowed foreign mining and lumber companies access to the Sierra Madres, scarring the land and environment with mines and acres of clear-cut mountainside (Sheridan). This was only stopped by the initiation of the Mexican Revolution. It did not, however, prevent the construction of a railroad stretching from Chihuahua to Creel, a primarily Spanish settlement which lies within the land traditionally traditionally occupied by the Rarámuri (Sheridan). Completed in 1961, the railroad made it far easier to exploit the land since lumber and other resources could now be transported to and fro with ease (Sutton 237). The commercial value of the land went up, as did the incentive to take more Rarámuri farmland.
The 20th century also brought positive change though, and the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara (CST) was established during this time (Muñoz 70). The organization of the Rarámuri as an ethnic group began in the early 1930s, despite the fact that their communities (called rancherías) were geographically divided into lowland and mountain groups, and were further separated by the very irregular, tough-to-traverse terrain of the Sierra Madres (Muñoz 69). Several of the more powerful governors, or siriame, despite the challenges, made attempts to widen their influence and gain authority over wider areas than their local communities. These three siriame, José Járis Rosalío, José Aguirre, and Esteban Cruz, decided to join forces with a younger group of emerging Rarámuri leaders. Most of this younger generation had graduated from the Casa del Estudiante Indígena, a school in México established in the 1920s which was devoted to educating young indigenous people of diverse backgrounds while cultivating and encouraging their traditional values (Muñoz 69). After 1935 the first Rarámuri graduates had returned home as rural teachers and leaders. Of these, Ignacio León Ruíz, Patricio Járis Rosalío (the son of José Járis Rosalío)
and Santiago Recalachi García became the primary young leaders. Using a unique combination of old and new leadership styles, they set about organizing a governing body for the entire Rarámuri population of the Sierra Madres. The first Tarahumara Regional Congress was held in Guachochi in 1939 (Muñoz 69). Though it was first called the Permanent Commission of the First Congress of the Tarahumara People, the organizing committee eventually became known as the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara (or the Tarahumara Supreme Council) (Muñoz 69). In her book on participatory indigenismo, María Muñoz notes that, "for the younger generation, access to the Supreme Council became an opportunity to tap into local power and also to represent the future of the Tarahumara in legitimate ways, internally and externally. It is also likely that the siriame recognized the potential for redifining their relationship with the government through this young group of educated leaders (70)."
One of the ways the young leaders tapped into local power was to utilize it to protect Rarámuri land from further mestizo encroachment. León Ruíz in particular made huge efforts to not only acquire government funds for locally-run schools and healthcare, but to make sure that his people were ensured access to farmland and heavily forested areas in their region of the Sierra Madre Occidental (Muñoz 70). A testament to Rarámuri resilience in itself, the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara weathered many changes of leadership as well as a constant struggle to maintain its relationship with the federal governent while refusing to fall too far under its influence. The federal government during the twentieth century was fairly paternalistic and was usually more interested in assimilating the Rarámuri than actually helping them (Sheridan 160). Consequently, the conservation of the culture was an impressive feat. Maintaining the type of cultural sovereignty described by Larry Gross is not an easy thing to do, and the Rarámuri did far better in this respect than many other groups of indigenous people invaded by the Spanish. But the battle for sovereignty continues to this day.
Today, Deforestation, Tourism, and Promoters of Transgenic Crops Threaten the Future of Traditional Maize Cultivation-- But Rarámuri are Fighting Back
Since 2003, many of the Rarámuri communities in the Sierra Tarahumara have been participating in random sampling in order to determine if their crops are being contaminated with transgenic strains of corn that have been introduced into the region. This service was provided by a private soil laboratory, CENAMI, an aid organization for indigenous people, an environmental action group, and a commmunity consulting firm devoted to supporting indigenous farmers in Chihuahua, Consultoría Técnica Comunitaria (CONTEC). The first sampling revealed that thirty-three percent of the maize tested was indeed contaminated (Quintana).
That this is happening is a tragedy not only because the rich biodiversity of maize varieties in Mexico is in jeopardy, but because maize is such an integral piece of the Rarámuri culture it is considered sacred, and sometimes even a family member. The Rarámuri take their responsibility as recipients of the corn's productive powers very seriously and, in an act of reciprocity and gratitude, attempt to protect the ancient cultivars in any way they can. José Pedro Turuséachi, a Rarámuri farmer and team member of CONTEC, has said that "to plant is not only to know the seeds or the earth, it is also to know the forest, the rain and the wind; it relates to the animals, it relates to the culture, the community and the pueblo. Seeds have helped us understand how to live in the world and how to coexist with nature (Healthy).” Given this view of planting, it is clear that, like Kimmerer, these people know that plants can teach us in ways that defy traditional didactic methods. The maize doesn't have a voice, but it speaks to each one it's cultivators in a different way. This view also helps to explain why traditional maize cultivation is such an effective medicine of for the land-- it shows the people how to be guardians and stewards of la tierra. And, as Kimmerer says, "the story of our relationship to the earth is written more truthfully in the land than on the page (341)."
That the threats to maize cultivation are ongoing is apparent, though it is not something that garners a lot of mainstream media attention. A Native American journalist who visited the Sierra Madre Occidental as recently as 2015 recounted that "[...] the Tarahumara say they are losing most of their land in the small valleys and, now that they are forced to the mountains, they are powerless to resist the robbers of their water and forests. They resent the Mexican government's policies weakening and destroying their traditions, particularly Mexico's industrializing agriculture that is bringing America's hybrid and bioengineered corn to undermine their sacred corn, without which their culture becomes empty and meaningless (Vallianatos)." The main perpetrators seem to be Monsanto, Syngenta, Pioneer, and Dow Agro (Quintana). However, transgenic contaminants also come from a less obvious source; aid organizations such as DICONSA. When a severe drought struck the Sierra Madres in 2011, many organizations donated food, especially corn. However, much of this corn was donated by companies that produce transgenic lines, largely in order to improve their company image and public relations (Quintana). Since 2011, this issue has been growing increasingly urgent since the Mexican government orgnization SAGARPA (Secretariat of Agriculture, Livestock, Fisheries, Rural Development) has been sanctioning pilot trials of genetically modified corn in many municipalities close to Rarámuri farmland.
In response, in very recent years, the Rarámuri have sprung into action in defense of their sacred maize plants. They "believe that the foreign varieties and their expensive input packages will make their land sick and if their land is sick, the Rarámuri are sick (Healthy)." And they would agree with Kimmerer that if you "sustain the ones who sustain you [...] the earth will last forever" (183). So what exactly is being done?
Most notably, multiple indigenous communites, CONTEC, the Democratic Small Farmer Front, Greenpeace, and the Center for Womens' Human Rights took action against SAGARPA. They publicly denounced its policies and its illegal planting and filed complaints with the Mexican justice system. Eventually, SAGARPA did recognize the illegal planting of geneticlly modified corn in several municipalities and siezed and half-heartedly destroyed some seeds. This was a huge step forward since before this time there was little legal precedent for dealing with genetically modified organisms (Quintana). Formerly, state policy was only an agent of destruction for the Rarámuri, used to take their land and incapacitate local governments. Now, indigenous communities and other organizations are demanding that state policy "protect native corn and to promote both qualitative and quantitative improvement in its production" (Quintana). They also are pushing for the right to be able produce their own corn free from interference. The battle is not yet won, but one can be sure that these incredibly persevering people will continue to make steady progress against the institutions that threaten the Rarámuri way of life.
That this is happening is a tragedy not only because the rich biodiversity of maize varieties in Mexico is in jeopardy, but because maize is such an integral piece of the Rarámuri culture it is considered sacred, and sometimes even a family member. The Rarámuri take their responsibility as recipients of the corn's productive powers very seriously and, in an act of reciprocity and gratitude, attempt to protect the ancient cultivars in any way they can. José Pedro Turuséachi, a Rarámuri farmer and team member of CONTEC, has said that "to plant is not only to know the seeds or the earth, it is also to know the forest, the rain and the wind; it relates to the animals, it relates to the culture, the community and the pueblo. Seeds have helped us understand how to live in the world and how to coexist with nature (Healthy).” Given this view of planting, it is clear that, like Kimmerer, these people know that plants can teach us in ways that defy traditional didactic methods. The maize doesn't have a voice, but it speaks to each one it's cultivators in a different way. This view also helps to explain why traditional maize cultivation is such an effective medicine of for the land-- it shows the people how to be guardians and stewards of la tierra. And, as Kimmerer says, "the story of our relationship to the earth is written more truthfully in the land than on the page (341)."
That the threats to maize cultivation are ongoing is apparent, though it is not something that garners a lot of mainstream media attention. A Native American journalist who visited the Sierra Madre Occidental as recently as 2015 recounted that "[...] the Tarahumara say they are losing most of their land in the small valleys and, now that they are forced to the mountains, they are powerless to resist the robbers of their water and forests. They resent the Mexican government's policies weakening and destroying their traditions, particularly Mexico's industrializing agriculture that is bringing America's hybrid and bioengineered corn to undermine their sacred corn, without which their culture becomes empty and meaningless (Vallianatos)." The main perpetrators seem to be Monsanto, Syngenta, Pioneer, and Dow Agro (Quintana). However, transgenic contaminants also come from a less obvious source; aid organizations such as DICONSA. When a severe drought struck the Sierra Madres in 2011, many organizations donated food, especially corn. However, much of this corn was donated by companies that produce transgenic lines, largely in order to improve their company image and public relations (Quintana). Since 2011, this issue has been growing increasingly urgent since the Mexican government orgnization SAGARPA (Secretariat of Agriculture, Livestock, Fisheries, Rural Development) has been sanctioning pilot trials of genetically modified corn in many municipalities close to Rarámuri farmland.
In response, in very recent years, the Rarámuri have sprung into action in defense of their sacred maize plants. They "believe that the foreign varieties and their expensive input packages will make their land sick and if their land is sick, the Rarámuri are sick (Healthy)." And they would agree with Kimmerer that if you "sustain the ones who sustain you [...] the earth will last forever" (183). So what exactly is being done?
Most notably, multiple indigenous communites, CONTEC, the Democratic Small Farmer Front, Greenpeace, and the Center for Womens' Human Rights took action against SAGARPA. They publicly denounced its policies and its illegal planting and filed complaints with the Mexican justice system. Eventually, SAGARPA did recognize the illegal planting of geneticlly modified corn in several municipalities and siezed and half-heartedly destroyed some seeds. This was a huge step forward since before this time there was little legal precedent for dealing with genetically modified organisms (Quintana). Formerly, state policy was only an agent of destruction for the Rarámuri, used to take their land and incapacitate local governments. Now, indigenous communities and other organizations are demanding that state policy "protect native corn and to promote both qualitative and quantitative improvement in its production" (Quintana). They also are pushing for the right to be able produce their own corn free from interference. The battle is not yet won, but one can be sure that these incredibly persevering people will continue to make steady progress against the institutions that threaten the Rarámuri way of life.
UNDRIP: How it Would Help the Rarámuri if it Became Law
Article 4
Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, while retaining their rights to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State.
This article would protect the right of the Rarámuri to maintain their traditional farming methods, since maize is a major aspect of their economic, social and cultural institutions.
Article 10
Indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return.
This section of UNDRIP is devoted to setting out rules that will prevent Native Peoples from being bribed, coerced, or otherwise unwillingly forced to leave or give up their lands. That it requires free and informed consent is a step forward, since in many cases, informed consent is still an issue. It would help the Rarámuri maintain control of their current territories and hopefully not be made to retreat further into the harsh environment of the Sierra Madres.
Article 19
Indigenous peoples have the right to participate in decision-making in matters which would affect their rights, through representatives chosen by themselves in accordance with their own procedures, as well as to maintain and develop their own indigenous decision-making institutions.
Even though the Rarámuri are already taking steps to, for example, ensure that corn donated to their people is obtained locally and is non-transgenic, in accordance with their own agricultural methods, if this article became law it would be far easier for them to defend their maize using the justice system already in place in Mexico. And as far as having their own decision-making institutions, the Rarámuri have already created the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara, which has served as a model for other indigenous groups attempting to organize themselves in such a way that they can promote their rights more effectively.
Article 21
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and develop their political, economic and social systems or institutions, to be secure in the enjoyment of their own means of subsistence and development, and to engage freely in all their traditional and other economic activities.
2. Indigenous peoples deprived of their means of subsistence and development are entitled to just and fair redress.
In this article the right to subsistence is very important. Since many of the Rarámuri are, in fact, subsistence farmers, this article will go a long way toward ensuring the protection of their livelihoods and ways of life. It also requires "just and fair redress" for any deprivation of these means of subsistence. This could help the indigenous poeple to obtain compensation from the companies such as Monsanto, Bayer, and Syngenta, Pioneer, and Dow agro, which contaminated their traditional maize.
Article 23
Indigenous peoples have the right to determine and develop priorities and strategies for exercising their right to development. In particular, indigenous peoples have the right to be actively involved in developing and determining health, housing and other economic and social programmes affecting them and, as far as possible, to administer such programmes through their own institutions.
If this article were a law it would help prevent future maize contamination from donated food, since the aid would be provided through their own institutions wherever possible.
Article 28
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to the conservation and protection of the environment and the productive capacity of their lands or territories and resources. States shall establish and implement assistance programmes for indigenous peoples for such conservation and protection, without discrimination.
With the Rarámuri emphasis on maintaining and restoring balance, a large portion of their ways of knowing rely on the a balanced and healthy environment. Their belief systems make them ideal stewards of the earth.
Article 29
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and traditional games and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions.
This article sums up the
Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, while retaining their rights to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State.
This article would protect the right of the Rarámuri to maintain their traditional farming methods, since maize is a major aspect of their economic, social and cultural institutions.
Article 10
Indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return.
This section of UNDRIP is devoted to setting out rules that will prevent Native Peoples from being bribed, coerced, or otherwise unwillingly forced to leave or give up their lands. That it requires free and informed consent is a step forward, since in many cases, informed consent is still an issue. It would help the Rarámuri maintain control of their current territories and hopefully not be made to retreat further into the harsh environment of the Sierra Madres.
Article 19
Indigenous peoples have the right to participate in decision-making in matters which would affect their rights, through representatives chosen by themselves in accordance with their own procedures, as well as to maintain and develop their own indigenous decision-making institutions.
Even though the Rarámuri are already taking steps to, for example, ensure that corn donated to their people is obtained locally and is non-transgenic, in accordance with their own agricultural methods, if this article became law it would be far easier for them to defend their maize using the justice system already in place in Mexico. And as far as having their own decision-making institutions, the Rarámuri have already created the Consejo Supremo Tarahumara, which has served as a model for other indigenous groups attempting to organize themselves in such a way that they can promote their rights more effectively.
Article 21
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and develop their political, economic and social systems or institutions, to be secure in the enjoyment of their own means of subsistence and development, and to engage freely in all their traditional and other economic activities.
2. Indigenous peoples deprived of their means of subsistence and development are entitled to just and fair redress.
In this article the right to subsistence is very important. Since many of the Rarámuri are, in fact, subsistence farmers, this article will go a long way toward ensuring the protection of their livelihoods and ways of life. It also requires "just and fair redress" for any deprivation of these means of subsistence. This could help the indigenous poeple to obtain compensation from the companies such as Monsanto, Bayer, and Syngenta, Pioneer, and Dow agro, which contaminated their traditional maize.
Article 23
Indigenous peoples have the right to determine and develop priorities and strategies for exercising their right to development. In particular, indigenous peoples have the right to be actively involved in developing and determining health, housing and other economic and social programmes affecting them and, as far as possible, to administer such programmes through their own institutions.
If this article were a law it would help prevent future maize contamination from donated food, since the aid would be provided through their own institutions wherever possible.
Article 28
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to the conservation and protection of the environment and the productive capacity of their lands or territories and resources. States shall establish and implement assistance programmes for indigenous peoples for such conservation and protection, without discrimination.
With the Rarámuri emphasis on maintaining and restoring balance, a large portion of their ways of knowing rely on the a balanced and healthy environment. Their belief systems make them ideal stewards of the earth.
Article 29
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and traditional games and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions.
This article sums up the
It is notable that the most recent National Indigenous Congress, held in October, created a list of situations and actions which they denounce and are committed to working against. Number thirteen in this list read: "The Rarámuri people of Chihuahua are losing their farmland to highway construction, to the Creel airport, and to the gas pipeline that runs from the United States to Chihuahua. They are also threatened by Japanese mining companies, dam projects, and tourism (National Indigenous Congress)."
This shows that the Rarámuri are uniting amongst not only themselves, but with other indigenous peoples throughout the nation. Their strength and perseverance in the face of difficulties have served them well, and, if the past is anything to go by, will continue to do so. This quote seems to sum up the the Rarámuri attitude well: "We are the Rarámuri. We are distinct. We must restore balance. During Norirawachi, God himself needs our help (Sheridan 160)." Let us all make use of some Rarámuri philosophy in our lives: we, the earth, and the plants and animals we share it with need balance restored if we are to continue living on this beautiful planet.
This shows that the Rarámuri are uniting amongst not only themselves, but with other indigenous peoples throughout the nation. Their strength and perseverance in the face of difficulties have served them well, and, if the past is anything to go by, will continue to do so. This quote seems to sum up the the Rarámuri attitude well: "We are the Rarámuri. We are distinct. We must restore balance. During Norirawachi, God himself needs our help (Sheridan 160)." Let us all make use of some Rarámuri philosophy in our lives: we, the earth, and the plants and animals we share it with need balance restored if we are to continue living on this beautiful planet.
"Healthy Landscapes and Healthy People: Lessons from the Rarámuri." Christenfund.org. Christenfund, 18 Nov. 2014. Web. 20 Nov. 2016.
<https://www.christensenfund.org/2014/11/18/mexico-can-learn-raramuri/>.
Human Rights Council. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. 23 June 2006. Declaration.
Kimmerer, Robin Wall. Braiding Sweetgrass: Indigenous Wisdom, Scientific Knowledge and the Teachings of Plants. Minneapolis, MN:
Milkweed Editions, 2013. Print.
Muñoz, Maria L. O. Stand up and Fight: Participatory Indigenismo, Populism, and Mobilization in Mexico, 1970-1984. Tucson: U of Arizona,
2016. Print.
National Indigenous Congress. "May the Earth Tremble at Its Core." RefugeeInSci. Wordpress, 20 Oct. 2016. Web. 19 Nov. 2016.
<https://refugeeinsci.wordpress.com/may-the-earth-tremble-at-its-core/>.
Quintana, Victor M. "Mexico’s Indigenous Tarahumara, Mexican and Global Groups Struggle to Protect Native Corn From Contamination by
GM Corn." Dorset Chiapas Solidarity. Wordpress, 11 May 2013. Web. 20 Nov. 2016.
<https://dorsetchiapassolidarity.wordpress.com/2013/05/11/mexicos-indigenous-tarahumara-mexican-and-global-groups-struggle-to-
protect-native-corn-from-contamination-by-gm-corn/>.
Rudow, Joshua. The Transformation of Tarahumara Agriculture in Chihuahua, Mexico: Research:
http://liberalarts.utexas.edu/geography/_files/images/news/aag/Tarahumar.pdf
Sheridan, Thomas E., and Nancy J. Parezo. Paths of Life: American Indians of the Southwest and Northern Mexico. Tucson: U of Arizona, 1996.
Print.
Sutton, Mark Q. An Introduction to Native North America. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2000. Print.
Vallianatos, Evaggelos. "The Moral Voice of Rural People." Truthout. Truthout, 8 Jan. 2015. Web. 13 Nov. 2016. <http://www.truth-
out.org/speakout/item/28421-the-moral-voice-of-rural-people>.
<https://www.christensenfund.org/2014/11/18/mexico-can-learn-raramuri/>.
Human Rights Council. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. 23 June 2006. Declaration.
Kimmerer, Robin Wall. Braiding Sweetgrass: Indigenous Wisdom, Scientific Knowledge and the Teachings of Plants. Minneapolis, MN:
Milkweed Editions, 2013. Print.
Muñoz, Maria L. O. Stand up and Fight: Participatory Indigenismo, Populism, and Mobilization in Mexico, 1970-1984. Tucson: U of Arizona,
2016. Print.
National Indigenous Congress. "May the Earth Tremble at Its Core." RefugeeInSci. Wordpress, 20 Oct. 2016. Web. 19 Nov. 2016.
<https://refugeeinsci.wordpress.com/may-the-earth-tremble-at-its-core/>.
Quintana, Victor M. "Mexico’s Indigenous Tarahumara, Mexican and Global Groups Struggle to Protect Native Corn From Contamination by
GM Corn." Dorset Chiapas Solidarity. Wordpress, 11 May 2013. Web. 20 Nov. 2016.
<https://dorsetchiapassolidarity.wordpress.com/2013/05/11/mexicos-indigenous-tarahumara-mexican-and-global-groups-struggle-to-
protect-native-corn-from-contamination-by-gm-corn/>.
Rudow, Joshua. The Transformation of Tarahumara Agriculture in Chihuahua, Mexico: Research:
http://liberalarts.utexas.edu/geography/_files/images/news/aag/Tarahumar.pdf
Sheridan, Thomas E., and Nancy J. Parezo. Paths of Life: American Indians of the Southwest and Northern Mexico. Tucson: U of Arizona, 1996.
Print.
Sutton, Mark Q. An Introduction to Native North America. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2000. Print.
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